In the last few weeks, both Germany itself and some of its allies expressed fear that the new German government will abandon the so-called "nuclear participation" and move American nuclear weapons away from the country's territory. This refers to B61-12 aviation bombs stationed at the Büchel airbase in Rhineland-Palatinate.

NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg did not shy away from this issue either. During his visit to Berlin on November 19, he tried to convince the Germans that nuclear weapons were a necessity: "Our Alliance seeks a world without nuclear weapons... but as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear Alliance." At the same time, Mr. Stoltenberg made it clear that if Germany gave up its nuclear ambitions, the weapons would be transferred to neighboring Poland, as Warsaw has no problem with that. Moreover, as the Secretary General noted, the Büchel-located American bombs enable Berlin to engage in discussing and accepting decisions relevant to the North Atlantic Alliance's nuclear strategy.

Fears for the fate of the bombs did not come out of the blue. Germany has been discussing the issue for years, and people are mostly supportive of making away with the weapons. The SPD and the Greens coming to power in the country have strong pacifist sentiment. The Greens, for instance, explicitly campaigned for the withdrawal of nuclear weapons from the country and its accession to the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). The SPD was more cautious before the election about the need to thoroughly discuss "nuclear participation." However, the party leadership has repeatedly spoken out against nuclear weapons, with the Social Democrats having virtually blocked the decision to replace outdated Tornado fighter-bombers that are designed to carry American bombs and have to be decommissioned by 2025. No replacement – no "nuclear participation".

It is unknown whether the Greens and the SPD gave credence to the rhetoric by Stoltenberg and other advocates of "nuclear participation", but they did an about-face in the new government program presented on November 24. The document states that a complete withdrawal of nuclear weapons from the German territory remains an objective, making it very clear that the country won't give up on the "nuclear participation" idea. "As long as nuclear weapons play a role in NATO's strategic concept, Germany has an interest in participating in strategic discussions and planning processes." Since an engagement of this kind is only possible with US bombs in the German territory, this phrase is unambiguous – the bombs are here to say. And the new government, according to the document, will soon make a decision on purchasing new aircraft to replace the Tornados, with due regard to the "nuclear participation" – that is, the new bombers should be technically suitable to be carried by the American B61-12.

Such a U-turn was no surprise, though. German foreign and defense policy is notable for its large-scale continuity, especially when it comes to NATO and the European Union. Both are vital for Germany: one ensures its safety, and another one provides economic power and political influence. Therefore, no demarches from Berlin are possible here.

Apart from that, the last few years saw Germany set off on the road to build up its military capabilities. By the middle of the last decade, Berlin realized that the international system was entering a period of fundamental transformation and it would be necessary to fight for a place in the sun amid a new world order, and pacifism inherent in German politics should be put on the backest of back burners.

And this understanding is quite clearly reflected in the new government's program, and not only as regards nuclear weapons. The Bundeswehr should get the best equipment, personnel and funding. Among other things, this refers to attack drones, which both the SPD and the Greens have recently opposed, considering such weapons inappropriate. But the German army needs strike UAVs, primarily for foreign missions, so the new government intends to purchase them, despite all the rhetoric about morality.

All of this will certainly require money, so the defense budget is also planned to be increased to 2% of GDP. However, in order not to be at odds with earlier statements by the SPD and the Greens, this clause had to be somewhat disguised – the new government declares intention to allocate 3% of GDP to diplomacy, international development and "discharge of obligations within NATO." Given that Berlin has long been pushing for an increase in international development spending to 0.7% of GDP, while Foreign Ministry activities will only get quite modest amounts, the same two percent or even a little more remain for its NATO commitments.