As expected, the Libyan general elections have been postponed for a month or probably for an indefinitely long period of time.

96 (!) candidates are seeking leadership in the country with its power structures torn apart by insuperable contradictions. The High National Election Commission did not even publish a complete list of candidates. However, the real contenders are three of them: commander of the Libyan National Army (LNA) Marshal Khalifa Haftar, son of the country's murdered leader Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, and Prime Minister of the Government of National Unity (GNU) Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh.

None of the candidates has an election program, and struggle between the key rivals is reduced to mutual accusations of involvement in criminal offenses and law violation. All the three had been subjected to hearings at courts of various levels. As for the voters, they got divided into three territorial camps.

Marshal Khalifa Haftar, whose army led a 14-month devastating offensive on Tripoli and who grabbed control over the country's eastern part, is rejected by armed groups affiliated with the Government of National Unity as a possible head of state. They tried to remove him from the election campaign, accusing of crimes against humanity. Khalifa Haftar's candidacy is supported by Egypt, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, France, Italy, and Greece.

Independent candidate Saif al-Islam Gaddafi enjoys support of influential Libyan tribes inside the country, most of which remained loyal to his father's policies. The candidate himself is being persecuted in Libya; in 2015 he was convicted in absentia by the capital's court for war crimes during a military coup, following which Muammar Gaddafi was brutally murdered. And still, Saif al-Islam was allowed to register. There is no reliable information about his international support.

And finally, current GNU leader Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh was registered as a candidate contrary to the election law and the current Constitution of Libya. He decided to run for presidency just a few days before the election, whereas the law requires submitting documents at least three months in advance. After being appointed head of the government, Dbeibeh vowed to resign within the time limit stipulated by law if coming forward as a presidential candidate. The registration decision was made by Chairman of the High Council of State Khalid al-Mishri, loyal to the GNU, which is a major violation of the Constitution.

Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh is supported by local paramilitary groups closely linked to the Muslim Brotherhood banned in Russia and focused on military, financial and logistics support from Turkey. The candidate is a Turkish appointee and has previously enjoyed help from Qatar.

It should be acknowledged that the most likely candidates were registered in circumvention of existing laws. Over the stipulated 12 months, the current government institutions, as well as the main political parties and potential candidates have failed to agree on the rules and schedule of the presidential and parliamentary elections. There is no agreement on the powers for the new head of state and parliament. Sharp disputes on these and other issues are underway.

The elections were to be held under UN auspices. But a month before, UN Special Envoy for Libya Ján Kubiš resigned and left the country. Apparently, the failure of attempts to resolve the crisis became clear to him back in November, and he did not want to bear responsibility for the country's new development in the situation.

Postponing the vote for a month will unlikely resolve contradictions in the election campaign, accompanied with serious breaches in the existing legislation from the very beginning. Islamic radical armed groups have intensified their activities in Tripoli, making threats against opponents of the current government and candidate Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh. Cases have been registered when militants attacked polling stations aiming to steal ballots. Clashes are also getting more frequent between the groups themselves that are operating in western Libya.

One may predict with much confidence that even if the elections take place, the candidates are unlikely to admit defeat, and most voters won't agree with their results. The reason is that Libya lacks efficient state authorities. Those are replaced by armed structures of the warring parties.

The fundamental premise for solving internal problems has not been fulfilled, i.e. the withdrawal of all the foreign troops and armed mercenaries from Libya, whose number fluctuates around 20 thousand. Their presence is critical for crisis settlement, particularly election preparations and results.

There is a good chance that the situation in Libya won't undergo substantial transformation in the near future, and continued outbreaks of confrontation can be expected.