Armed formations of Palestine’s HAMAS Islamic Resistance Movement launched powerful multiple rocket attacks (about five thousand shells) from the Gaza Strip against Israel’s border territory on October 7, mounting an offensive and capturing over ten cities and towns, including several military garrisons.

The next day, in response to Israeli Air Force’s subsequent massive assault on the enclave, the Palestinians launched about 1,500 missiles deep into the Jewish state’s territory, hitting residential quarters and suburbs of Tel Aviv.

Israeli rescue services’ official statistics revealed a death toll of more than a thousand civilians and military personnel. The number of those wounded exceeds three thousand people.

The Israeli government has introduced martial law, announcing to call out reserves and volunteer fighters. And Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared war against Palestine: "We will avenge this black day. We will turn all the places in this evil city where Hamas is hiding into ruins. Residents of Gaza, get out of there now!"

"This day" refers to the 50th anniversary of the so-called Yom Kippur War, the beginning of unexpected hostilities against Israel by a coalition of Arab States (Egypt, Syria, Iraq). The date was annually commemorated by both the Arabs and Jews. This year, for instance, the Syrian military academy of Homs hosted solemn events on the occasion of officer graduation, attended by Defense Minister General Ali Mahmoud Abbas and numerous civilians. 80 of them were killed in a strike.

The Syrian authorities blamed Israel for the incident.

Like half a century ago, the Jewish state itself has been flinging around accusations against the government, military command and intel leaders of a missed opportunity to uncover HAMAS' plans, poorly-prepared Central Command army units who have failed to repel enemy assaults, the unexpectedly futile much-hyped Iron Dome — you name it. Analysis and blamestorming are yet to come, and it will lie heavy on the Israeli leadership’s conscience.

Currently, the major issue is whether Tel Aviv will once again limit itself to massive air and artillery strikes on the Palestinian military infrastructure, or takes it a step further to embrace a full-scale military operation with an all-out purge of both militants and their endorsers throughout the Strip.

The military infrastructure limited suppression option in Gaza may be explained by Israel’s lacking military-technical and numerical readiness to conduct a protracted and largely ruinous military campaign. The Israeli Armed Forces have the ability to bomb the identified HAMAS control facilities and strongholds to smithereens, but this will hardly help resolve the confrontation issue over the longer term: the military-religious group’s infrastructure is going to revive over the years, like a Phoenix rising from the ashes.

The second option of a full-scale ground operation throughout the sector requires incredible effort and commitment with the Israelis, with all their available reserves and allied support. This will inevitably transform a local armed conflict into an international regional one, with its implications hard to predict.

Hopefully, Netanyahu's appeal to Gaza residents to get out of the area before it's too late have been brought about by belligerent rhetoric alone. But if it conceals strong intent, a regional war becomes more plausible.

Besides, Israel had to launch artillery strikes on positions of the Iranian-loyal Shiite Hezbollah movement in southern Lebanon in response to an alleged mortar attack on the Israeli territory from the of Kfarchouba settlement, Lebanese media reports claim. The engagement of Lebanese Shiite armed groups on the HAMAS side poses a critical threat to the Jewish state’s security. Not only because Hezbollah possesses considerable reserves of cutting-edge high-tech weapons, but also given the highly likely involvement of Iran and a number of Arab countries in the war against Israel — both directly or indirectly.

Many analysts are now wondering whether Israel will resort to nukes at the end of the day. The simple answer is as follows: it may be ready, but only in case of a real existential threat to the Jewish state or people. That is, amid third-party interference to side with Gaza Palestinians.

As for the immediate outlook, one might expect intensified Israeli hostilities with the massive use of all the conventional destruction means available. Tel Aviv is unlikely pondering a full-scale (ground) operation in the enclave. Instead, it will seek to urgently inflict the highest possible damage to the enemy, coercing it into another truce to arrange an exchange of war prisoners and civilians it took hostage.