Who would have thought that we live in “one of the world’s most aggressive countries”? This is how Russia is presented in Western mass media. Economist Intelligence Unit, an analytical company, has recently released its Global Peace Index, a rating of peacefulness of people’s lives in 121 countries. Norway was named the most peaceful nation, while Russia was ranked 118th, above only Israel, Sudan and Iraq. It should be noted, though, that Russia is currently not engaged in any hostilities unlike some other, “more peaceful” countries.

These allegations create a demonic picture of Russia that fit ideally in the axis-of-evil image. So what is wrong with our country?

U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney accused the Russian authorities of unjust restriction of citizens’ rights and of using the country’s energy resources as a tool for intimidation and blackmail. The former, apparently, stood for anti-terrorist efforts in Chechnya and deportation of illegal immigrants, while the desire to do business profitably is seen as a blackmail tool.

Russia does have its problems, but so do other countries. These problems are different; some of them are complicated and others are not. But does the United States have it all so ideal and smooth and it can offer its own method of resolving these problems?

Accusing Russia of xenophobia, people seem to forget how Arabs were treated in the U.S. after the September 11 terrorist attacks; pointing to human rights violations they evade discussions of the Guantanamo prison and of imposing a regime that is convenient for America and that it calls “democracy” in Iraq. Of course, it is difficult to see a beam in one’s eye, but why so many groundless reproaches? Any fact, any event is used as a pretext to lash out on Russia. When it banned meat imports from Poland, it was said to be a politically-motivated move; when it banned a gay parade in Moscow, it was accused of homophobia and human rights violations; when there were disagreements about where to hold the March of Dissent, it was perceived as a blow against democracy and freedom of speech. But there is no word on the fact that Polish meat does not comply with Russian veterinary norms, that a majority of Moscow’s population was against the parade and that the march did take place after all. All these attacks pursue one and the same goal, and it is not hard to see what it is.

The United States is reinforcing its foothold in Europe and in the world. New NATO members are looking up to their powerful patron and are willing to agree to anything he says. America, it seems, is quite comfortable with the ability to create problems for and play mean tricks with Russia using puppet nations and without going into an open confrontation. The Polish and Czech governments agree to allow the U.S. to deploy elements of its missile defense system on their territories. With the European Union’s silent approval, Estonia moved the monument to World War II heroes, saying it was a monument to occupants. Georgia and Poland are hindering Russia’s accession to the WTO. The list can go on and on. Despite all this, Russia is regularly accused of numerous violations. No one wants to see it a great power able to protect its interests, no one wants a strong rival. On the contrary, the desire to have Russia obedient and manageable is so stron that it makes Western leaders to resort increasingly often to political blackmail and public provocations like the “Litvinenko case.”

Trying to deprive Russia of the right to unilaterally dispose of its energy reserves and of the nuclear potential parity, the U.S. does not seem to stop at anything. It is pointless to assert one’s stance if you do not have real force to back you up, and the West countries’ latest moves seek to deprive Russia of it. At first they tried to buy into our oil and gas companies. When they failed, they began to act differently. At the Russia-EU summit in Samara, Europe’s main goal was to persuade Moscow to sign the Energy Charter that regulates oil and gas trade and investment in energy production and transportation. If Russia did, it would have to ensure free access for foreign companies to development and transportation of its oil and gas reserves. The Transit Protocol to the Charter obliges countries that are not EU members to ensure unhindered energy transit to the EU through their national pipelines. For Russia, this would mean allowing the EU to manage its export pipelines.

Deployment of the U.S. missile defense in Europe is an attempt to render null Russia’s nuclear potential. This will either cost us the nuclear parity or will push us into a new arms race that will inevitable lead to a new cold war. Russia wants neither. It advocates partnership and mutually beneficial cooperation. Free market rules and political blackmail should not be mistaken for one another.

Russia, however, is a diehard. With its great nuclear potential, huge natural reserves, the growing economy, social and political life, it is able to stop NATO’s global onslaught and to influence the U.S. drive for a unipolar world. Unable to threaten it directly and having no hopes to win in to its side, the West has to resort to more flexible methods, which, however, seek the same: to isolate Russia, to seize its resources and to reduce its population, simultaneously trying to stave off the risk of retaliation.